Should carers receive assistance and even compensation?
Most political philosophers would agree that carers should receive support and even compensation for their
caring activities. However, there are many potential justifications for this.
These may be competing or complementary, but they provide different answers to
the above questions.
Compensation for
bad luck
Perhaps the most straightforward justification for
supporting carers is a luck egalitarian position. This is that it is a matter
of bad luck that someone’s loved one needs care. If we accept that people
should not be worse off due to brute bad luck then carers are owed compensation
by their society to compensate them for their ill fortune.
This is an attractive position, but while it readily
justifies support for carers for the disabled it is not as straightforward
regarding children. Parents could be considered to be responsible for the
creation of their children and that they do not therefore suffer from bad luck
– they brought the children on themselves.
Another argument from compensating bad luck would be to
focus on the bad luck of the cared-for person.[1]
If someone is dependent upon a poorly supported carer then this could have a
significant detriment upon their own well-being. This could justify
compensation for carers where it will assist the cared-for, but it might not
justify support in cases where the cared-for person will have a reasonable
standard of living without government support. Essentially, this justifies
support for less fortunate carers but not necessarily for better off carers.
Benefit to
carer/society
An alternative basis for supporting carers is to focus on
the advantage that the care provides either to the carer or society, which is
attractive because it would readily include children. The advantage to the
carer could be that care is an important part of the good life and caring
should be encouraged, supported and socially recognised.[2]
However, this view is not acceptable to anti-perfectionist political
philosophers such as myself who do not believe that the state should endorse
any view of the good life.[3]
The advantage to
society approach is therefore more promising, particularly regarding care
for children who represent a future generation of citizens and workers. The
argument here is that children are a vitally important public good and those
who provide this good should receive support.[4]
This view runs into some problem for those who are sceptical that a) providing
public goods entitles someone to support or b) that all children would qualify
as a public good. Furthermore, this may not justify support for carers for
those who no longer provide much obvious benefit to society (for example
because they are in a permanent vegetative state).
An alternative?
These positions can justify comprehensive support for parent
carers. This can be done by combining some of the positions together, or by
supplementing one position with some further empirical or normative premises to
justify universal provision[5].
However, I wonder if it is possible to present a more attractive position.
I am interested in the idea that carers should be
compensated on the basis that they are providing a service for the needy that
the state would otherwise have to provide. Essentially, this combines elements
of the benefit to society and benefit
to cared-for positions but which
would avoid some of the gaps or controversies that accompany those positions.
Does anyone know of any arguments in the literature that
run along these lines? (Or a reason why it isn't worth pursuing such a line of thought!)
References
Dworkin, Ronald. Sovereign Virtue. Cambridge, Mass:
Harvard University Press, 2000.
Engster, Daniel. The Heart of
Justice Care Ethics and Political Theory. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2009.
Olsaretti, Serena. "Children as Public Goods?". Philosophy & Public Affairs 41, no.
3 (2013): 226-58.
Quong, Jonathan. Liberalism
without Perfection Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.
Rawls, John. Political
Liberalism New York: Columbia University Press, 1996.
[1]
For example in Ronald Dworkin, Sovereign Virtue
(Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2000).
[2]
For example in Daniel Engster, The Heart of Justice
Care Ethics and Political Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).
[3] John Rawls, Political Liberalism
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1996); Jonathan Quong, Liberalism without Perfection (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2011).
[4] Serena Olsaretti, "Children as Public Goods?," Philosophy & Public Affairs 41, no.
3 (2013).
[5]
Such as that administrative savings from universal provision would make it
cheaper than means-testing or that it is wrong to discriminate between carers
based on their wealth or income when they are performing the same task.
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