I believe an argument can be made for my taxation proposals from a number of political philosophies. However, in terms
of political ideologies, my proposals occupy an unusual position that does not fit
neatly on the usual political compass. This means that it does not readily fall
within the common political positions.
I believe this is a huge strength for my proposals: I
believe it should be attractive to a large number of people who currently take
positions across the political spectrum. However, while this is an advantage in
the long-term, it could be a hindrance in the short-term. After all, while
there is something about the proposals that most people would like there will
often be another element which goes against their current thinking.
For those on the political right the proposal should be
attractive as it contains strong private property rights, and encourages work
and personal responsibility. Work is encouraged because the number of hours
people work (as a generalisation of the scheme) is taken into account in
determining tax rates: people who work longer for their income will be taxed at
a lower rate. It encourages personal responsibility as the redistribution is
calculated on the basis of the amount of work someone does and not the amount
of wealth they have. If someone chooses to spend their income in the short term
they will not be entitled to any additional resources later on as a
consequence.
For those on the left the proposal should be attractive
for the amount of redistribution it can provide. I believe my proposals, if
applied consistently, should enable the most economically fortunate to be taxed
sustainably at the highest possible rates. In parallel, it would provide the
highest possible economically sustainable subsidies to workers.
I would think that on the basis of the advantages
specified above the approach should be appealing to centrists, who would also
approve of my liberalism and some of the related proposals I make. As the
originator of the proposals I would consider myself a liberal person.
One way to put the political position of the CLIPH-rate
tax is that of a superior version of the so called “third way.” This garnered
attention in the 90's and which is associated in the UK with the New Labour
movement, and is somewhat related to Clinton’s position in the USA. Left-wingers
are now disillusioned with this approach to politics as it was ineffective at
delivering economic equality; New Labour was too in thrall to the market and
thereby blinded to special interests (often of the very wealthy and the finance
industry).
Despite this criticism of the first iteration of the third
way approach to politics, I do not think that the answer for progressives is to
revert back to statist solutions. Instead, we should be developing taxation and
earning subsidy policies that make use of the best of the market while
assisting those who do not do as well from the market economy.
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